POLITICAL REPORT BY ANC EC CONVENOR AT THE 9th CONFERENCE

ANC National Executive Committee Members,
Leadership of the SACP, COSATU and SANCO,
Leadership of our Leagues,
Religious Leadership from various faiths,
Our delegation from various formations of the Mass Democratic Movement
All invited guests,
And most importantly delegates to this 09th Provincial Conference.

Introduction, Context & its Contextual praxis

1. Comrades, on behalf of the African National Congress (ANC) Eastern Cape Provincial Task Team (PTT), I stand here to table before the Conference, our Political Report of the term since our election as the Provincial Executive Committee (PEC) at the 08th Provincial Conference and later since our appointment as the PTT in March this year.
2. Let me from the outset appeal to everyone to allow me to be objectively critical in this report, for the sake of ensuring that post this conference, the ANC in this Province reverts back to its glory of contributing to the socio-political content contributions that it has always made over years
3. Let me remind all of us that as we gather here, the more than 6 million citizens of our province are watching this conference with keen interest, because to many of our people the ANC is still a symbol of hope. Despite the challenges they see in the ANC, our people have faith in the ANC. They are only interested to hear how the ANC in this province will improve their living conditions of abject poverty, unemployment, inequalities, and underdevelopment.
4. The ugly scenes that played out in our 8th Provincial Conference in 2017 should not be repeated at this 9th Provincial Conference. Ndiyaphinda Maqabane, lambhodamo wenzeka kwinkomfa yethu ngo 2017 mawungaze uphinde wenzeke kwii ntlanganiso ze ANC.
5. Those scenes were an insult to the heritage of the ANC, and they were an insult to the many leaders that our province produced over time who led the organisation with distinction. And indeed, Comrades the behaviour the people of our country witnessed during our 8th Provincial Conference was an insult to the masses of our people who are members, supporters and loyal voters of the ANC.
6. I therefore appeal to all of us to conduct ourselves in a manner that upholds the stature of the ANC in this 9th Provincial Conference.
7. Kule Nkomfa sonke masinikeni i ANC isidima sayo, ayoyethu siyigciniswe ngabantu beli Lizwe.
8. As we gather here for the duration of this Conference, our discussions, decisions, and conduct must be inspired by the words of the seventh President of the ANC, Dr Alfred Bathini Xuma who once said: “To Congress we must be loyal and true. For Congress, we must forget any personal or sectional interests or gain. We must put the cause and the interests of the people before any expediency.”
9. As this leadership collective we are bringing back to you the organisation that branches entrusted us to lead since the 08th Provincial Conference. As you all know, the period from 2017 to date was marked with great objective and subjective challenges that made the work of leading the ANC and ensuring that it carries out its tasks quite difficult.
10. Infront of you is a leadership collective that was directed by the 08th Provincial Conference to do three things:
    a) Firstly, we were mandated to tirelessly and without fear or favour pursue the unity of the ANC and that of the Alliance in the Province.
    b) Secondly, we were instructed to work vigorously towards turning the ANC in the province into a powerful tool of transformation in the hands of our people, and
    c) Thirdly, we were directed to break the cycle of weak political cohesion, factions, and divisions in the province.
11. This mandate was given to us after delegates to the 8th Provincial Conference noted the following 5 fundamental challenges in our organisation:
    a) First Challenge was the escalation of divisions and factionalism that are eroding the soul of our movement, resulting in mistrust and backstabbing amongst comrades.
    b) Second Challenge was the Decline in understanding the vision and mission of the ANC, coupled with the decline in understanding and inculcation of the ethics, values and traditions of the movement.
    c) Third Challenge was the Decline in the quality and quantity of the ANC membership in the province.
    d) Fourth Challenge was the Existence of social distance between the ANC structures, membership, leaders, and the community, which has resulted in the decline of hegemony within society.
    e) Fifth Challenge was the Development of mistrust between ANC, its government, and the communities that we are meant to serve.
12. Despite these and many other sets of challenges, we can confidently report to you that however uneven, we managed to do what was mandated to us and as such we are bringing to you an organisation that is intact, united, more coherent, much stronger to lead the process of transformation and that is capable of advancing, deepening, and defending the National Democratic Revolution. This has not been an easy journey Comrades as we still need to engage and where possible explore the means to transform policy structures and institutions that benefit society, along with local communities and citizens.
13. Comrades; both the mandate and challenges lifted above were not and are not unique to the Eastern Cape, South Africa nor the Southern Africa as Vusi Gumede argues “the first step towards achieving lasting solutions entails a deliberate programme of action to unlearn, relearn, un-think and rethink dominant thought patterns which Africans and their leaders have acquired in the process of their encounters with the imperial powers over the last 500 years or so. The new African development narrative needs to occur within a firm framework that acknowledges that African political leadership, much like African society, has suffered from learning and thinking incorrectly concerning firstly itself and secondly socio-economic development”. And I believe comrade that parallels can be drawn from this statement with our context as a province as we need to undo the low calibre of leadership…the leadership lacking basic understanding of the development process; argued by George Ayittey. Comrades as leaders of the African National Congress that is a leader of society, we have the task to engross ourselves in the knowledge of our capacities and weaknesses, the history of the province in order to shape its socio-economic development away from the colonial past but for future progress. Further comrades let us imprint in our learning that development is ‘the process by which people create and recreate themselves and their life circumstances to realise higher levels of civilisation in accordance with their own choices and values – development is something that people must do for themselves’ and therefore our task as the movement is to lead them in that process. The foregoing therefore requires of the ANC to provide thought leaders imbued by critical consciousness that ensures sensitization of the citizens to be self-aware of the rights that nature and the constitutions confer on them as free born citizens. As we cannot continue to let the people be victims of power-play and unholy alliance between the indigenous comprador bourgeoisie and their national and international counterparts, who pursue consumerist behaviours and private accumulation at expense of societal progress.

The fight against Covid-19

14. We say so because The PEC and PTT had to lead an organisation through a period where the world was confronted by a global pandemic of the Novel Coronavirus (Covid-19) which claimed many lives and destroyed many livelihoods of the ordinary masses. During the same period our organisation was robbed of members whose lives were claimed by the deadly virus. Kulomaqabane asishiyileyo ngenxa yalobhubhane we Covid singabalula uComrade Bongani Gxilishe, uComrade Zamuxolo Peter, Comrade Thozama Mantashe, comrade Alfred Mtsi, comrade Sindisile Maclean, Comrade Zoliswa Matana, no Comrade Ncediso Captain. Recently we also lost struggle veteran Mama Lillian Diedericks, Comrade Barry Makhan, Comrade Simthembile Kulu, Comrade Scara Njadayi and many other cadres in the different corners of our province. Kukwangalo elixesha apho ilifu elimnyama lithe lagubungela ubuKumkani bamaXhosa nobamaRharhabe, kwakhothama uKumkani Zwelonke Sigcawu no Kumkanikazi uNoyoliso Sandile. On behalf of the ANC in the province, we send our heartfelt condolences to all the families that lost their loved ones in the period under review.
15. Despite this and other difficulties imposed by the pandemic, such as restrictions on movement and gatherings, our organisation continued to have various programmes and activities that were aimed at addressing challenges faced by our people in the province. As expected, ANC leaders and members were at the forefront of mobilising society to adhere to covid-19 protocols and supported vulnerable families with food, and other essential items during various stages of lockdown restrictions.
16. Comrades, the fight against Covid-19 is still on, even though our province is experiencing low levels of community transmission, resulting in a low number of cases of less than 50 per day.
17. Over 2.4 million individuals have been vaccinated in our province, with 2 million individuals fully vaccinated. We are thus appealing to delegates and the people of the Eastern Cape to rally behind the Presidential Vooma Vaccination campaign so that we register and vaccinate most high risks groups before the winter months.
18. People who are 50 years of age must complete their vaccination and get their booster doses. The young people over 18 years have the lowest levels of vaccine coverage; we urge them to come forward and get their jabs.
19. This virus has forced the world to adopt new ways of doing things some of which our organisation also had to adapt to. We now have a responsibility to ensure adequate reach to all the people of the province in terms of enabling infrastructure and resources, so that as we continue with the some of the new ways of doing things, no one is left behind.
20. Lessons from operating in the Covid19 Pandemic
    a. Agility and speed have become the norm in decision making; the movement, government and social partners proved that it is possible to put urgency in dealing with transformation.
    b. Social compacting between government and social partners emerged and informed decision structures at all levels in the country; and this proved that it is possible for government to partner with the private sector and pool resources
    c. Mobilization of society took closer to be the same as was under the Mass Mobilisation Pillar during the mid 1980s
    d. Integration within and between government departments became norm and all it needs is sustaining through systems beyond structures.
21. Our most urgent and pressing task now is the work of reconstructing and recovering our economy, which was already ailing before the advent of Covid-19 on our shores. If anything, Covid-19 demonstrated how interconnected and interdependent the world is, such that any attempts to reconstruct and recover our economy requires a thorough analysis and understanding of the international situation and how this relates to our domestic environment.

Global situation

22. Comrade delegates, on the international front, the world is going through significant changes, and humanity has entered a new era of rapid development and profound transformation. These development processes are characterised by economic globalization, multipolarity, the advent of information society, technological innovation, cultural diversity, transformation of the global governance architecture and world order.
23. South Africa together with other international progressive forces believe that multipolarity, development, cooperation, peace and security lie at the core of the modern international system. These pillars of international hegemony further aid increasing interrelation and interdependence between Countries.
24. We fully understand that development in the context of multipolarity is a key driver in ensuring the prosperity of the nations. Moreover, the strengthening of cooperation and engagement within multilateral mechanisms such as United Nations remains vital in ensuring universal, comprehensive, and lasting security.
25. We further believe that actions aimed at undermining the pillars of multipolarity and global cooperation will inevitably threaten peace and may even produce conditions of conflict. Therefore, our meeting takes place during a time where internationally we are witnessing the escalating tensions between Ukraine and Russia.
26. The situation should not be viewed or reduced into mere differences or a squabble between neighbouring states, but as part of a broader struggle and systematic long-term and sustained efforts to colonize and dominate the world order, particularly by the western powers.
27. There are certain States, military and political alliances and coalitions that seek to obtain, directly or indirectly, unilateral military advantages to the detriment of the security of others, including by employing unfair competition practices, intensify geopolitical rivalry, fuel antagonism and confrontation, and seriously undermine the international security order and global strategic stability.
28. Comrade delegates, the enlargement of NATO and call on the North Atlantic Alliance ideologized cold war approaches fundamentally undermines genuine peaceful development. As progressive forces we thus stand against attempts by external forces to undermine security and stability of States and their common adjacent regions under any political pretext. We equally reaffirm our position for the protection of States, State sovereignty and their territorial integrity, and oppose interference by external forces in their internal affairs.
29. Comrades will recall that in our 2012 Strategy and Tactics, we asserted that:
    “At the political level, the dominant imperialist powers have historically used various means to assert their geopolitical and economic interests. This finds contemporary expression in unilateralism and militarism which have reared their ugly head on a scale hardly witnessed in recent history.”
30. The continued unilateral expansion of the military base of western powers through NATO in Ukraine demonstrates exactly what we characterized in our Strategy and Tactics document. Furthermore, it is an act of provocation of war which unfortunately has been allowed and aided by the current Ukrainian government.
31. Nonetheless, our principled position has been that these tensions should be resolved through cooperative and peaceful means. Military Aggression and economic warfare such as the act of unilaterally imposing sanctions, does nothing but worsen the situation, leading to innocent lives being lost and livelihoods being irreparably damaged.
32. We fully commend the intervention that has been made by our South African government led by comrade President Cyril Ramaphosa which seeks to bring about peaceful mediated solution to the impasse. We also welcome the progress to date towards a peaceful dialogue. In this regard, we reaffirm our position that for both States to pursue progressive dialogue and mutual understanding, championing of universal human values as peace, development, equality, justice, democracy and freedom.

We wish comrade Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula all the best on her appointment to the Task Force of the World Association of Parliaments to mediate on the Russia-Ukraine situation.

33. As the ANC in the province, we reaffirm our position to continue working with progressive forces throughout the world to promote and defend our transformation, advance Africa’s renaissance, and build a new and a just world order.
34. We continue to pledge our solidarity with all oppressed people of the world. The stance and firmness we are witnessing from the United Nations and western forces on Russia is the same that we expect and have been calling for on Israel which continues to illegally occupy Palestine and murder innocent lives of Palestinians. If their actions now were to be regarded as genuine, surely, they would have taken a similar stance against the United States in Afghanistan, Iran and Libya. They would’ve taken the same stance against the US led unilateral blockade of Cuba whose sin was only to self-determine their path and social system.
35. These and many other examples demonstrate the point that western imperialist forces have no moral standing on questions of international peace, development, justice, and freedom. As such, we should continue striving for a new world order that respects the sovereignty of nations, promotes multilateralism and global cooperation.
36. Comrades, we need to intensify our solidarity with the people of Western Sahara who continue to be oppressed by Morocco in their land. Right here on our provincial borders, the people of Swaziland are still fighting for their freedom. We must support their noble cause.
37. Until we create a just world order free from neo-colonialism, oppression, exploitation and discrimination, our efforts of recovering from the Covid-19 pandemic will continue to be undermined. The situation I have just outlined clearly demonstrates that the global balance of forces is not favourable for progressive forces to champion their ideals. Nonetheless, we must do all that is necessary to grow and transform our economy to serve the people.

Economic Reconstruction and Recovery

38. Comrade delegates, 2022 marks the midpoint of the 6th Provincial Administration. It is a critical milestone in which we must pause to reflect how far we’ve gone in implementing the 2019 ANC Elections manifesto towards building better life for all. On the economic front, we must critically reflect on the road we have traversed in driving radical socio-economic transformation to grow the economy and create jobs for our people. In making this reflection, we appreciate the gains we have made, the challenges we encountered and the road that lies ahead in our march towards building an economy that works for all.
39. In undertaking this noble exercise, we first must appreciate that we operate in an ever-changing social, economic, and political world that we find ourselves in, not of our own choosing, but as a product of history that we are a part of. We seek therefore to influence the course of history, which is simultaneously shaping our reality. It is this dialectical principle of unity and struggle of opposites that is a motor force for development and progress.
40. Whilst the 6th Provincial Administration was still in its early stages, the entire globe experienced the onset of COVID-19, and as mentioned earlier, the pandemic has had devastating effects on the economies and livelihoods throughout the world. In the attempts to mitigate the impact of the pandemic on people’s lives, governments all over the world, including ours, instituted economic shutdowns. Our provincial economy thus experienced catastrophic disruptions that severely dented economic growth, job creation and investment.
41. The provincial economy is still reeling under the effects of the pandemic, with a subdued economic outlook. We are thus still confronted with high unemployment currently sitting at 47.1%, meaning over 1 million people are unemployed with more than 380 000 discouraged from looking for work. One of the effects of a stagnant economic activity, is a shrinking revenue base, which affects government’s ability to fund critical service delivery. The constrained public fiscus has compelled government to continually reprioritise its policies to stimulate the economy and minimise the social impact of Covid-19.
42. Prior to the onset of the pandemic, in March 2020, the Provincial Government approved the Provincial Medium Term Strategic Framework which is made up of the Five-Year Implementation Plan of the Provincial Development Plan and the Integrated Monitoring Tool. This is a policy implementation coordination tool that informs development and planning in the province, encompassing all spheres of government. P-MTSF further guides Institutional plans of Departments, Public Entities and Municipalities in ensuring that these plans reflect programmes and projects, that contribute to the achievement of the priorities of government as reflected in the Framework. The P-MTSF outlines the following 7 priorities:

• Priority 1: A Capable, Ethical and Developmental State
• Priority 2: Economic Transformation and Job Creation
• Priority 3: Education, Skills, and Health
• Priority 4: Consolidating the Social Wage through Reliable and Quality Basic Services
• Priority 5: Spatial Integration, Human Settlements and Local Government
• Priority 6: Social Cohesion and Safe Communities
• Priority 7: A Better Africa and World

43. Under the second priority, namely, Economic Transformation and Job Creation, we have been driving interventions based on the identified six high-potential priority sectors of the provincial economy, which are:

I. Agri-industry
II. Light Manufacturing
III. Automotive
IV. Oceans Economy
V. Sustainable Energy
VI. Tourism.

44. In each of these sectors, we have packaged high-impact catalytic projects that represent significant public investment to stimulate aggregate demand, crowed-in private sector investment, create jobs, and drive transformation.
45. With the onset of COVID-19, the 6th Provincial Administration developed a Provincial Reconstruction and Recovery Plan to respond to the economic crisis caused by the pandemic, which in our case existed before the crisis of Covid-19. The Reconstruction and Recovery Plan therefore became the implementation platform of the Provincial Government priorities in the context of economic crisis. The Provincial Reconstruction and Recovery Plan identifies five strategic areas of intervention to jumpstart the economy and set it forth on a high growth, and job creating path. These are:
    • Infrastructure Development
    • Industrialization and Sector development
    • Equitable, Inclusive Transformation.
    • Digital Transformation
    • Public Finances
46. Despite the difficult and constraining macroeconomic environment, we made great strides in jumpstarting economic recovery and mitigating further structural damage to the provincial economy. As we reflected in the 2022 State of the Provincial Address, and further at the recent Premier’s Economic Roundtable, we have registered some of the following major progress:
47. On economic infrastructure, in partnership with SANRAL, we are investing over R10 billion on the logistics infrastructure and road network to key economic nodes of the province. We are working with Transnet on the revival of rail infrastructure, with the entity already investing R26 million to refurbish the Cookhouse-Blaney rail infrastructure. The line provides an important in-bound transit on rail between the East London IDZ and the Coega IDZ.
48. We are driving investments in the Sustainable energy sector, with 16 wind projects and 1 solar project completed and connected to the grid. We are further driving investments in the Liquified Natural Gas (LNG) at Coega. All these critical energy projects are aimed at securing energy supply both for elevated industrial activity and service delivery to our people.
49. We continue to deepen our competitive advantage in the Automotive sector with significant investments in the automotive supplier industry. The automotive Original Equipment Manufacturers (OEMs) such as Ford, VW, and Mercedes Benz, Isuzu and the 100 % black owned Africa Auto Group continue to make significant investments in the province as a concrete sign of commitment and confidence in the provincial economy. In 2021, we thus opened factories for 16 auto sector suppliers in the East London IDZ that have invested a combined R3.3 billion into our economy. In supporting these private sector investments, the provincial government is investing R93.9 million over three years for skills and supplier development in the auto sector.
50. We are driving our rural development and agrarian reform interventions under the auspices of the Eastern Cape Provincial Agriculture Transformation Strategy. We have invested in agro-processing initiatives across value chains throughout the province, highly concentrating on commodities such as, grain, red meat, citrus fruit, macadamia, poultry, and cannabis. We have also invested resources to support small holder farmers with livestock, horticulture, and grain production infrastructure. We continue to support irrigation schemes to improve agricultural productivity and output. These are key investments meant to stimulate the rural economy and support the livelihoods of the majority of the people of the province who are based in rural areas.
51. With 800 kilometres of pristine coastline, we have made concerted efforts to drive the Oceans Economy industrial development and Coastal and Marine Tourism. These are the two sectors that represent a largely untapped potential in the province for growth and jobs. Whilst the tourism sector was the hardest hit by the pandemic, we have made great strides in supporting the sector’s recovery. The tourism sector continues to grow with tourists’ numbers steadily increasing with further easing of lockdown measures. The economic activity at our ports has rebounded, fuelling the recovery of the Oceans Economy in the province.
52. As mandated by the ANC PEC Makgotla, the Provincial Government developed and approved an Eastern Cape Infrastructure Plan (ECIP). The overall purpose of the ECIP was to articulate the infrastructure priorities for the province between 2018 and 2030 and outline programmes and interventions to achieve outcomes. In addition, the ECIP supports the realisation of the Eastern Cape development priorities that are in the National Development Plan and the Eastern Cape Development Plan, complement the National Infrastructure Plan (2012) in the Eastern Cape, and aim to derive more value from the large public expenditures on infrastructure assets through improved infrastructure planning and infrastructure delivery management.
53. The implementation of the infrastructure plan has seen many significant projects being rolled as was detailed in the recent state of the province address. The following observations and lessons need to be noted:

• The ECIP provided for the District and Metro level planning co-ordination for infrastructure facilitated by the Infrastructure Planning and Co-ordination Office located in the Office of the Premier. This intervention preceded the District Development Model that was launched by the President in 2019. This is a confirmation that our infrastructure plan saw way ahead that we need to have confidence in our home-grown policy perspectives. We therefore have a challenge to lead the rest of South Africa in the deepening of integration and co-ordination at District and Metro level spaces of our province.
• The N2 Wild Coast Highway project reached implementation stage and represents the first concrete catalytic infrastructure investment in the east of our province since the achievement of the democratic dispensation in 1994. As we all know, the east of our province is economically depressed with high levels of unemployment and poverty and needs concrete interventions to unlock its potential, especially in the Wild Coast. The province needs to partner with the local communities and stakeholders in defending this development. In this regard, we require structures and branches to be at the centre of these discussions such that our people are not represented at consultation and activism spaces by elements that seek to use their plight to advance their own subjective interests.
• The Mzimvubu Multipurpose Project has not reached implementation stage despite a sod turning of the project by the President. The Department of Water and Sanitation has seen a high turnover of Ministers and Directors General, resulting in inconsistent championing for the project. The key lesson on the delays for this project is for the province to be in regular interaction with the local stakeholders and communities through providing regular updates and partnering with the Minister of Water & Sanitation to ensure the consistent championing of this project.
• The Government needs to prioritise participatory democracy of the local communities and stakeholders during the initiation of major infrastructure development initiatives. All development initiatives need to take into account the perspectives of the local role players such that consultative and public participation engagements be qualitative rather than for compliance reasons. Again, our branches must be at the centre of these discussions.
• Capacity building and skills development is crucial to facilitate the participation of local labour, contractors, and suppliers during the implementation phase of major infrastructure projects.

54. Collectively, all these economic and sector activities have propelled the recovery of our provincial economy. Indeed, the provincial economy is on course towards full recovery. The urgent task remains ensuring that the recovery is labour-intensive to absorb the high numbers of the unemployed, universal affirmation of Local SMMEs and young people in all government led projects in the province. Provincial Government Departments are spending over 54 % of the goods and services budget on Eastern Cape based suppliers and this is the trajectory we must build on. It is also during the term of this PEC that the provincial government established a special seed fund called Isiqalo Youth Fund to benefit young entrepreneurs of our Province.
55. We have learnt many lessons during the recovery about the potential role of a developmental state in leading and catalysing economic growth and job creation. Two of the key lessons are that engagement with society, especially our main motive forces, and critical social players is paramount; the state cannot do it alone. Secondly, the state has objective and subjective constraints in its capacity to drive thoroughgoing economic transformation. We must thus pay particular attention to building state capacity to lead economic transformation. The task is urgent and requires all-hands to the deck to deal with it decisively.
56. What are the Tasks of an ANC Cadre, and a Branch in building an inclusive Economy:
    a. Building economic literacy within the ANC and communities as a foundation towards appreciation of local assets, in order to debunk what Ben Fine calls Zombie Economics.
    b. Appreciating and building development logic of the natural endowments within communities
    c. Building capacity of all societal leaders into appreciating that the economy is not mere government resources and therefore build the entrepreneurial acumen and innovation amongst SMMES
57. With the formal ending of the national state of disaster, the 6th Provincial Administration has doubled its efforts in driving economic reconstruction and recovery. We are neither sparring strength nor verve in our efforts. We dare not fail! Our economic reconstruction and recovery efforts will be meaningless if they don’t translate to the improved living conditions of our people, hence social transformation remains on our important pillars in the struggle to fundamentally transform our province.

Social Transformation

58. Our Social Transformation agenda is part of the on-going programme of social change to create A Better Life for All, so that together, we can create a South Africa that truly belongs to all who live in it as articulated in the Freedom Charter. Essential as a point of departure is that this programme is about building a new society, a society that never existing before.
59. In building this society, we must fundamentally resolve the three basic and inter-related contradictions of Colonialism of a Special type; which is racial oppression, class super-exploitation and patriarchal relations of power. This society, which we refer to as the National Democratic Society will be mainly on ensuring the durability of the genuinely united, non-racial, non-sexist, democratic and prosperous society.
60. Of equal importance to the agenda of Social Transformation is our on-going duty to achieve Social Cohesion and accelerating the project of Nation Building so that we are able to create a just and inclusive society that draws on our rich heritage. In this regard, ANC structures must be effective agents of change as leaders in communities, if the ANC is to drive the radical social transformation agenda. To this end ANC members must be exemplary in their conduct in their families, in their community and in their participation in organs of people’s power.
61. Among others, our critical responsibilities are to transform our society and to prioritise the rights of women, youth, children, and people with disabilities as well as the previously disadvantaged; work tirelessly to end discrimination and violence against women, children, the elderly and other vulnerable groups.
62. At the core of our challenges, we have always acknowledged that we are confronted by inequality, unemployment, and poverty, which also underpin the social ills manifested within our communities. Moreover, we are also aware that the triple challenges are also reflected within the racial tensions, xenophobia, violence against women, children and other vulnerable groups in our country and province.
63. Given that these challenges are historic, structural, and persistent, we must first appreciate that the ANC-led government has worked tirelessly to fight poverty, deprivation and inequality through the Reconstruction and Development (RDP) of 1994 to the National Development Plan (NDP) vision 2030. In this period, we made great progress towards reducing poverty and establishing a more equitable society.
64. As you are aware this political programme has been carried-out through the provision of a range of public goods and services, which include free and subsidised basic services, such as houses, water, sanitation, and energy for poor households. These services further include no-fee schools; school nutrition and transport programmes; free health care; the provision of social assistance in the form of social grants; mandatory social insurance arrangements with employers; developmental welfare services and expanded public works programmes to mention but a few.
65. To demonstrate this progress, comrades allow me to share statistics reflecting the extent of service delivery in this regard. The General Household Survey of 2019 conducted by Stats-SA represents the most valid and recent statistics of the extent of service delivery in the country. In this regard, the Stats-SA 2019 report cite the following achievements:

• Since 1994, over 4 million free houses have been built in the country, benefiting over 15 million people.
• The percentage of households connected to the main electricity supply in the province was at 52% in 2002 and increased to 88% in 2019.
• The percentage of households that have access to improved sanitation in the province was at 33% in 2002 and increased to 89% in 2019.
• The percentage of households with access to piped or tap water in their dwellings, off-site or on-site in the province was 56% in 2002 and increased to 76% in 2019. Nationally, the percentage of households with access to an improved source of water only increased by less than five percentage between 2002 and 2018 (that is growing from 84,4% to 89,0%), however Eastern Cape recorded the highest increase of all provinces with an increase of 19%, followed by KwaZulu-Natal with 11% increase.
• Social grants remain a vital safety net, particularly in the poorest provinces like ours. In the province 60% of our households receive at least one type of social grant.
• Nationally, the percentage of learners aged 5 years and older who attend schools where no tuition fees were levied increased from 0,4% in 2002 to 67,2% in 2018. In the province, 78% of learners in Eastern Cape attend no-fee schools. Moreover, learners attending public schools and who benefited from a school nutrition programme is estimated to be 90% in the province.
• Roughly 89% of household members who consulted on public healthcare institutions in the province reported to be satisfied with the services they received.

66. The delivery of these public goods and services have gone a long way to ensure a significant improvement in living conditions for the majority of South Africans over the past 28 years. We are also certain that the census report of this year will also reflect higher figures to the ones I have cited. Comrade delegates, we must also honestly reflect that despite these great achievements, the levels of inequality in our country remain high and the emergence of Covid-19 pandemic has further compounded our socio-economic condition. More than ever before, we must increase our collective efforts and do more together to transform our society.
67. As the PEC, we reaffirm that central to our efforts for social change, it should be strengthening and deepening the linkages between economic and productive sectors with social sectors to enable greater advances and long-term sustainability of our socio-economic interventions. In the same vein, at the 54th National Conference we noted that we should always emphasise the co-existence of socio-economic rights, particular considering the tendency to emphasise radical economic transformation at the expense of radical social transformation.
68. Comrades we must equally be conscious and vigilant to the fact that the political programme of social transformation is not homogenously accepted, but it is contested at various social centres of power, internally within the movement, in the state, the economy, and civil society mass organisations. There are some among us whose primary pre-occupation is their financial prosperity beyond the political programme of social transformation of the people as whole.
69. Outside there is opposition, which is primarily fighting the interests of colonial and apartheid beneficiaries and questions public spending on social upliftment interventions. This means we must therefore be resolute on our founding principles and values as a movement so that the collective interests of the people remain at the centre, and we subordinate narrow personal interests.
70. The PEC affirms that social change necessitates that the movement emphasises the centrality of families in human and community development. Indeed, families and parenting are profoundly important to the developmental, emotional and cognitive growth of children and parents can play a central role in this development. Instability and disintegration at the family-level fundamentally contributes to the manifestation rising social distress, substance abuse, social violence and crime.
71. In turn, if not addressed, this situation has long lasting effects resulting in the decay of moral fibre, social values and norms of our communities for generations to come. As a form of a new consensus, we need to build a strong case for the preservation and restoration of this great institution in our social structure.
72. Eastern Cape has been a labour sending province and out of any province we have the largest portion of our labour-active people working outside the province. At a family level this situation has created a scenario wherein more than any other province in the country, children are no living with their parents, the latest estimate in this regard being 33%. This situation is also reflected by the fact that the province has the highest proportion of child foster care cases. These statistics demonstrate that at a political level, the ANC must do more to advocate and champion the value and the role of families in the social transformation agenda.
73. Young people are an important asset in the building of our envisaged national democratic society, because they are a driving force for change. The youth of South Africa has been significant to the history of the ANC and their role continues to be important in the life of the organisation. However, we must acknowledge that the current perception of the ANC amongst young people is largely negative, as principally reflected by the youth vote in elections.
74. Central in ensuring the long-term survival of the organisation, we must meaningfully deal with the socio-economic issues directly affecting young people, their representation within our structures, and their participation in people’s organs of power. Equally important in this regard is ensuring the revival of the ANCYL. and its capacity to genuinely serve and lead the interests of young people. The ANC must support the Young Lions to regain their strength so that their Roar to lead the interests of young people, can echo throughout the South African Society.
75. Among the most pressing issues affecting young people is youth unemployment, where the rate of unemployment among the youth is higher than other age groups regardless of educational level. The graduate unemployment rate is estimated to be about 35% for those aged 15–24 and 15% among those aged 25–34 years. The situation is further compounded by the silent drug epidemic within our communities, where over years we have experienced a rise in the abuse of substances among youth. A largely unemployed, idle and economically inactive youth population presents the most immediate threat to South Africa’s socio-political stability, and the country’s productive capacity.
76. It is against this background why at the core of the social compact must be the involvement of the youth with vastly increased opportunities to education and skills development, and internships and work exposure programmes that equip the youth with skills required and appropriate to the economy. As one of the key avenues, the ANC has always agreed that government must have a structured support to black-owned companies across our economic sectors and through public procurement, with special attention to those owned by women, youth, military veterans, and people with disability, this includes the 30% set aside should benefit these designated groups. We must be radical about affirming designated groups.
77. Women in our society have suffered greatly from the three interrelated contradictions of racial oppression, class exploitation and the patriarchal relations of power. As point of departure the struggle for gender equality has been carried-out from this recognition. In addition, in the current conjuncture it is also important to recognise that women and members of the LGBTQIAP+ are further disadvantaged, violated and discriminated based on their sexuality.
78. Comrade President Nelson Mandela correctly remarked that “freedom cannot be achieved unless the women have been emancipated from all forms of oppression.” Our struggle for gender equality and women emancipation is therefore principally about eliminating all forms of oppression and ensuring that women have equal opportunities to life and development. As part of this work the active agenda of promoting women representation in key levers of power should be intensified.
79. Women still represent the face of poverty, unemployment, and inequality not just in our country but throughout the world. It is therefore no coincidence that throughout our road networks, it is women that you will see making strides to put food on the table, whether by selling fruit on the side of the roads and collecting scrap metal or selling food at the taxi ranks. Beyond putting food on the table, the little they make from these efforts also enables their children to access opportunities that can change their lives and the fortunes of their families and communities.
80. Comrades, addressing the position of women in South Africa and particularly in the rural context needs the urgent attention of the ANC. Patriarchal practices within the organisation and within the government it leads must be dealt with severely. Patriarchy divides society and must be combatted in all its forms. Gender-stereotyped socialisation of girls and boys must be addressed to build social cohesion and democratise gender relations.
81. Equally with the same vigour and resolve, we must wage a relentless fight against Gender-based violence and Femicide. We continue to be deeply concerned by the fact that the realisation of a prosperous and vibrant democracy is severely tarnished by the violence directed at women and gender non-conforming persons. As such, the fight against gender-based violence will have to be collectively carried out across all terrains, including the boardrooms, workplace, homes and in the streets. We have to adopt an unwavering commitment to sustain our campaign of rooting out backward and chauvinistic attitudes even amongst ourselves who on many occasions would hide behind the veils of norms, cultures, traditions, practices, and beliefs that actually perpetuate socialised violence against women and patriarchal relations of power.
82. At the societal level, we must consolidate and deepen dialogue aimed at addressing the root causes of gender-based violence and the disempowerment of women in all spheres of society. In particular, men in the ANC must be visible in 365 days campaigning against all forms of violence and abuse in particular violence and abuse against women and children. With our efforts on gender and development there has been many improvements, but social attitudes have not changed. We see many inequalities still existing, in that more women live in the poorest areas, rural areas and informal settlements and about 40% of families are headed by women where 80% of those families have no formal wage earner and sustain themselves with social grants.

Climate Justice

83. Comrades, recently we witnessed the devastating effects of climate change in our province and in our sister province of KwaZulu Natal. We have lost lives and many more of our people were left destitute and homeless during this tragedy. We cannot sit back and be reactive to such natural disasters. We must be better prepared.
    The links between climate change and natural disasters are well documented in a wide variety of climate change literature. Between 1980 and 2019 we have witnessed increase in both storms and floods with landslides featuring on a minimal scale; but after the KZN experience we noting that landslides are gaining momentum
84. We need to direct funding and investor efforts towards ensuring a just transition to renewable energy that will not devastate the environment and the people living in it.
85. The climate crisis puts an immense amount of pressure on the resources and systems of government and almost always has catastrophic impacts for communities. Let these disasters be moments of restrategising and reimagining a just and sustainable future for all.
86. Comrades our firstline of defence to these disasters is planning, planning and quality plans that are informed by relevant ISO Norms and Standards. Provision of Human Settlement plans will help our people understand why they cannot settle on flood-planes; this is doable comrades.

On Education

87. Education remains one of our priorities as movement. The PEC reaffirms that government must deliver inclusive education through effective provisioning and functionality of schools in the province towards sustaining the trend of improving education outcomes. Moreover, we must ensure continuous implementation of rationalisation of schools for effective and efficient provincial school portfolio and effectively manage teacher provisioning, scholar transport, and utilization of closed schools for useful community purposes.
88. We must vastly improve the management of the scholar transport system with increased participation of women and that contributes to Local Economic Development.
89. We must also realise the policy intentions of enhanced learning and development in our Early Childhood Development centres (in a context of advancing the rights of children and preparing the children for life-long-learning).

On Health

90. Health is a priority for the ANC and the implementation of the National Health Insurance (NHI) remains important in this regard. Government is enhancing measures for service delivery improvement towards realization of accessible, affordable quality healthcare services. Our Healthcare system was tested to the limits by the covid-19 pandemic, and it withstood that test. We reprioritised R590 million and invested it in our Hospital Rehabilitation Programme. This critical infrastructure has given us 2 209 Covid-19 isolation beds and is a legacy that will benefit our communities beyond Covid-19. Of critical importance is that local SMMEs in the construction sector benefited immensely from contracts that were awarded for our Hospital Rehabilitation Programme.
91. Credit for how we managed the covid-19 pandemic, also goes to healthcare workers who showed immense courage to face an unknown virus on the frontlines risking their lives to save the lives of our masses. The 6th Administration is seized with the task of fixing challenges in the public health system, particularly finding a sustainable solution to the Medico Legal Claims Challenge that is an albatross to the budget of the Department of Health.
92. We must continuously improve social determinants of health and increase Life expectancy at Birth. In this regard, all the relevant entities of government must urgently fight the plight of child malnutrition in the province.

On Social Development, Human Settlement and Sports, Arts and Culture

93. We must increase the impact and sustainability of programmes targeting women and youth socio-economic opportunities. In addition, child headed households must be prioritised in social protection interventions.
94. Integration towards the improvement of human settlement delivery working with local government will be important. This is to enhance the delivery on integrated human settlements, prioritising amongst others, access roads, electricity, water, sanitation, bulky water provision and release of land parcels. Moreover, water provision must be addressed as an integral part of human settlements and the Water Act should be reviewed to ensure that water resources are a public good. Municipalities must commission viability studies for building of small dams to ensure water security and further provide water tanks where permanent infrastructure is not yet provided to the community.
95. Work must be done to facilitate the entrenchment of social cohesion and nation building through provincial partnerships and a coherent and integrated programme that aimed to link social cohesion with various provincial programmes with municipalities and traditional leadership.
96. All this work will require an organisation and an alliance that is capable both in its form and content to provide leadership over society and social actors including government. Hence it is important that we press ahead with work of uniting and renewing our movement to be an instrument for transformation in the hands of the people.

Unity and Renewal

97. Any self-respecting organization is required to be in a constant state of renewing itself to improve its capacity to drive its aims and objectives. This is done in order to constantly adapt to the ever-changing environment.
98. At the core of the renewal project is about truly aligning practice with the founding principles and values of the ANC and also to be adaptive to the new situations and circumstances the organisation finds itself in. This is not limited to the ANC but should include renewal of the entire mass democratic movement, society and state institutions to be lubricated to meticulously discharge their mandates.
99. The renewal we are speaking about is about improving people’s lives. Renewing the ANC in the Eastern Cape is fundamentally about making our province a better place. It is a total commitment in growing our economy, attract investment, create jobs for a better life for all. Renewal is about making ANC, Eastern Cape, South Africa and the world better.
100. It is now apparent that as evidenced by the recent local government elections, apathy in voting, quality of membership and leadership of the ANC, poorly performing government, proven corporate capture of the state and the weakening of state institutions, rampant corruption, repurposing of the state to serve corrupt means, the trust deficit between the people and the ANC and its government, rising social unrest, unprecedented violent public protests – that the ANC is facing an existential crisis. If the movement does not dramatically change course, then the revolution will soon be in fundamental crisis.
101. The current moment requires the ANC and its leaders to actively and openly campaign for the renewal of our organizations, institutions, and systems. That renewal project should also mean isolating decisively any alien, corrupt networks, elements that are not aligned with the values and principles of the ANC, and those that are in conflict with the law.
102. It should be understood that when that is done, forces of regression and criminal networks found even within our ranks will do everything possible to fight against the renewal of our organizations. Such should not make us timid.
103. On the contrary, it must serve as an inspiration to be more determined to renew our organizations. We must be willing and able to subject individual interests to those of the whole and collective.
104. Renewal should mean a complete process to reimagine and reshape the movement. Even the outcomes of the Zondo Commission should be viewed as the opportunity for the ANC to do a deep soul searching and examine our processes, systems, assumptions, cultures etc, whether they are truly aligned with the rule of law, constitutions and expectation of the society.
105. Some of the key questions we need to ask ourselves as we go about this process are the following:

• Are we attracting the quality of members capable of being agents of renewal and change of people’s lives?
• Are we sufficiently empowering the ANC members with political, ideological and organisational training and education for them to better understand the ANC and its mission?
• Are our structures suitably organised to carry out the mandate of the ANC?
• Are our processes of electing leaders robust enough to ensure that the best among us are elected and the will of the membership prevails?
• Do we nominate or select the most suitable and fit members to be ANC public representatives?
• Are the people governing or have we appropriated people’s power to ourselves as the organisation?
• Are our public representatives serving the people with distinction?
• Are we consistent on acting against incompetency, poor performance, wrongdoing, malfeasance etc?

106. As we renew our organizations, we must always be mindful that the ultimate aim is to transform the base (economy) and create a better life for all, whatever we do must put the people first and their conditions must consistently improve for the better, otherwise all other efforts will be in futility.
107. The principal task of the ANC in the immediate for example, is to provide leadership to all progressive strata and forces for realisation of better life for all. For this assignment to be realised the ANC has to earn its role of being the leader of society, this role cannot be ordained: it must be won in the theatre of struggle on a daily basis.
108. We must be willing and able to subject ourselves to the organisation and its collective. We must understand that it us who joined these organisations and therefore organisational discipline demands of us to live by the values and standards which the ANC espouses. It is in this context that we must understand that regardless of whether one may think he or she is correct but once the organisation has taken a decision, such a decision is binding to all.
109. The resolution for all those formerly charged with corruption or serious criminal offences to step aside must be understood in this context. The intent is to salvage the integrity of the organisation and sparring the name of organisation from being dragged into court with its member or leader. Building revolutionary moral high ground is one of the programmatic bases for earning the trust of the masses and such forge a widest possible patriotic front of range of forces behind advancing, deepening, and defending the second radical phase of the national democratic revolution. Therefore, those who profess to care about the ANC should not even be contemplating defying its decisions. Such conduct is a counter-revolutionary tendency and such persons have clearly not internalised our ideology, organisational theory, and discipline.
110. While as the ANC we have committed to build a developmental state as an instrument of transformation, it is becoming apparent that our people no longer believe that we are competent or genuine in our commitment to do so.
111. From as early as the 1999 general elections, ANC support, voter turnout, and youth participation in elections began to decline. This was further evidenced in the 2019 elections, which showed declining voter turn-out and low voter participation – particularly among youth. The same pattern of low voter turnout worsened in the 2021 Local Government Elections.
112. To illustrate this, point the national voter turnout in 2016 was at 57% and in 2021 dropped to 46%. In the Eastern Cape, in 2021 the voter turnout was 47% as compared to 55% in 2016. Nelson Mandela Bay declined from 62% in 2016 to 46% in 2021. Buffalo City also declined by 10%, from 54% in 2016 and 45% in 2021.
113. Whilst declining voter turnout is consistent with global trends, however, the Eastern Cape and South Africa are below the global and African average. These trends indicate a lack of interest in electoral politics and mistrust in the formal institutions of government. However, low levels of trust in political systems are not isolated to South Africa and have emerged globally.
114. ANC itself has long admitted the need to renew and develop a different course of action and therefore the need to renew is not something “new” or recent as some would have us believe. As early as 1997, the ANC itself identified that ‘sins of incumbency’ have reached a critical point where it poses a challenge to the very character of ANC, an existential crisis.
115. The 51st National Conference confirmed that subculture of the deviation from established norms of the organization and the encouragement of populism, factionalism, and division within the ranks of the ANC.
116. The 52nd National Conference noted that “accumulated weaknesses include the inability to effectively deal with new tendencies arising from being a ruling party, such as social distance, patronage, careerism, corruption, and abuse of power; ineffective management of the interface between the movement and the state”.
117. The Diagnostic Report, presented at the 5th National Policy Conference indicated that the decline is multi-faceted and manifest in several weaknesses, which include: “the blurring of the common purpose for the cadres of the movement; the growing trust deficit between the people and their movement; the impact of the perception of the ANC as entirely corrupt; the decline in the ideological outlook of the movement and the divisions and factions that have become a seemingly permanent feature of the movement.”
118. The report went further to isolate a few key aspects that needed urgent attention as follows:

a. Blurring of the common purpose for the cadres of the movement
b. The growing trust deficit between the people and their movement
c. The decline in the ethics, values and traditions of the movement
d. The impact of the perception of the ANC as entirely corrupt
e. The poor quality of the branches and the membership in general
f. The decline in the ideological outlook of the movement
g. Divisions and factions that have become a seemingly permanent feature of the movement

119. The 54th National Conference deemed that the ANC was distant, inward-looking, and unable to be an agent of change and connect with communities and the motive forces; it further observed that the ANC was out of touch with constituencies and motive forces and that some within the ranks of the organisation were not schooled in ANC values and goals.
120. Conference further highlighted that the ANC is increasingly losing credibility and trust because of its performance in delivering a better life for all, and the levels of corruption and corporate capture of the state. We are not seen to be “managing state resources for the benefit of our people, effectively, efficiently and economically”.
121. Therefore, this moment requires a bold leadership that accepts that we cannot do the same things and expect different results.
122. This also then means that as the Eastern Cape, we cannot afford for the ANC or its government to be captured by the private cooperate interest. We cannot afford rampant corruption and mismanagement, as this diverts the little available resources away from the people to the pockets of private individuals. That is why as the Eastern Cape we should never tolerate corruption and malfeasance within and outside the state, regardless of who is implicated or the rank or influence they purport to have in the organisation.
123. Equally the leaders and public representatives of the ANC must accept that they are an embodiment of the ANC and in their actions and inactions is how the ANC is viewed as such leaders of the ANC have to be accepted by society, not through imposition but because it is trustworthy, and society believe in it. Such is possible when at the helm its leadership is credible, ethical, selfless, and with a proven track record, revolutionary discipline, and maturity.
124. Taking into consideration that the ANC has accepted that among its weaknesses is inward looking tendency and social distance from its core constituency. This weakness has led to the ANC alienating the broader progressive forces which are the hallmark of what constitute the ANC as a Congress movement. Therefore, the leadership required is that which will appeal and connect which the broader progressive forces within society as the strength of the ANC is in its ability to be a leader of the broader front which has the ability to mobilize and lead the “whole oppressed”.
125. This moment therefore requires an urgent need to decisively act, and requires bold leadership steeped in the traditions of the ANC, with a proven track record of excelling in serving the people. Since the ANC is accused of not being competent, it must follow that those who lead it going forward to have a proven record of having excelled in servicing the people in their various capacities and roles.
126. The ANC is not just a leader of and for itself, leadership of the ANC needs to appreciate and deliberately act in valuing the alliance partners and leadership role of the ANC in the Alliance. The cordial alliance relationship for example must be a product and skill of leadership – and such should be embraced and retained.
127. We do understand that alliance partners are of independent organisations but for the fact that we share membership therefore means challenges of one partner turn to spill to the other, as such challenges of the ANC more often affect its partners. For this reason, the ANC must manage better its challenges, strive to unite and present a coherent organisation which appreciate its role as the leader of alliance and manage its relations with the revolutionary alliance delicately.
128. It is imperative for the revolutionary alliance leadership to develop a shared political program as the basis of providing coherent leadership to the people of the province. This has gained more importance and strategic urgency at the back of the recent global experience in which humanity has been confronted with a brutal pandemic.
129. No revolutionary organization can co-exist with factionalism, it’s either the organization seizes to exist, or factions are combated.
130. It is imperative however to distinguish between factions and lobby groups. For example, Richard Rose distinguishes lobby groups from factional tendencies as “ad hoc stable sets of attitudes rather than organized stable groups of politicians”.
131. For Rose, lobby groups are ad hoc, defined “in terms of time and are weakly institutionalized. In contrast, factions persist through time and “are self-consciously organized as a body, with a measure of discipline and cohesion.”
132. When a lobby group goes beyond a conference, the lobby group metamorphoses into a faction. Factions become reinforced in the aftermath of conferences.
133. Post Congresses and Conferences, no leader should represent a particular lobby group or section of the organization – no faction should see itself through the leadership of the organization.
134. There can be NO faction that represents the best interest of the organization or people as a whole: all factions are self-serving and petty. More importantly, factions undermine and arrogate the authority and functioning of the organization to serve their vindictive and narrow interests.
135. This special devotion to all Leagues of the ANC is an important leadership function of the ANC, as the organisation is not complete without its leagues. As such, even on its executive structures, the ANC cannot only elect women and youth to satisfy any quota. Election of these constituencies must be seen as a deliberate act by the ANC in making the organisation stronger and keeping it in touch with the societal developments and dynamics.

Conclusion

136. My fellow Comrades, as I mentioned at the beginning, the journey for this PTT Collective has not been easy. However here we are today, handing over to you the branches of our movement your organisation which is still intact, united, and coherent.
137. I am certain I speak on behalf of all the PTT Members when I say it has been an honour and privilege to carry on our shoulders the mandate you gave us at the 8th Provincial Conference.
138. The ball is now in your court as delegates to elect a new leadership that will defend and advance the gains, we attained in the past 4 years. You have a huge responsibility in your shoulders comrades because our movement is under siege from opposition parties. They are smelling blood ahead of the 2024 general elections. The opposition parties are not shy about campaigning to ensure there is a Coalition Government in the National space in 2024 and that they want a similar outcome in KZN and Gauteng Provinces. Comrades, a coalition government in the national space will be to the detriment of the development of our Province. The leadership collective we are going to elect will have to work extra hard to campaign for a decisive ANC election victory in the national ballot. It will also have to reinforce and support campaigns in our sister provinces of KZN, Gauteng and Western Cape for the ANC to regain lost ground.
139. We must remember Comrades that the ANC contests state power to advance the National Democratic Revolution. If the ANC is dislodged from state power, the NDR will be in jeopardy.
140. You have all the tools at your disposal which include through the Eye of a Needle, to elect a leadership collective that will withstand the tests that lie ahead to advance the gains of building a better life for all the people of our province.
141. As you go about your responsibilities of electing the new leaders be reminded of the wise words of Dr A.B Xuma on Leadership, when he said: “Leadership means service for and not domination over others. True and genuine leaders serve the cause of the people and do not expect the cause to serve them or become a source of profit and honour to them. Africa expects all her sons and daughters to serve the cause of the people loyally, sincerely, and honestly.”
142. I trust that these wise words of Dr A.B Xuma will guide you as your discharge your responsibilities as representatives of our branches and communities.
143. One behalf of the ANC PTT, I hereby table this Political Report and wish that delegates don’t hold back in enriching the report through rigorous discussions that will shape our programme for the next term.
144. Let me further thank all members of the ANC PTT and 08th Provincial Executive Committee for their hard work and dedication in discharging their responsibilities. We thank members of the ANC in the province for their support throughout the term and playing their role in uniting and renewing the ANC. Let me also extend a word of gratitude to the ANC staff in the province who despite all difficulties continued to serve the organisation diligently.
145. Let us make 2022 indeed the year of unity and renewal to defend and advance South Africa’s democratic gains.

Thank you comrades!

Amandlaaa!!!